. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Showing here that Britain owned her Colonies and that.no confederation had taken place in 1867 whatsoever! Canada was not a free confederated country. She was still at this time, long after 1867, a dominion, allowed to create some policies with British input and oversight of its governor general. . . . . . . . . . . Note that this is 1926, and Canada.still is not a nation; is.still a Dominion.under Britain; the idea that a Canadian confederation had taken place in 1867 is a.myth sequenced as a con job. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Showing again no confederation had taken place in 1867 whatsoever; that Britain continued to control her Colonies, and that's why, in 1926 here, at this conference, they were still talking about Canadians becoming free and independent. Britain was very fussy about any hints over relinquishing her control in any manner whatsoever at this time. |
Pro British
Americans went north to Ontario to take advantage of government grants
of land. Soon after, the British government passed the
Constitutional Act of 1791. This act provided that what was then Québec,
be divided into two parts, Upper Canada, English
speaking (now southern Ontario) and an eastern section for the French called
Lower
Canada..(pic
of Canada 1867)
The former was primarily English speaking and the latter French speaking. The Ottawa River was made the primary eastern boundary of Upper Canada. These two sections formed one province called Canada.(the United Province).and had a single government. comprised from Microsoft® Encarta® Encyclopedia 99. © 1993-1998 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved. . comprised from Microsoft® Encarta® Encyclopedia 99. © 1993-1998 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved. . Imperial Conferences 1907, 1911, 1926 and 1930 The Imperial Conferences were meetings of British
Commonwealth members.(paragraph
just above).(what
was the Commonwealth?), where Britain was in the process of
upgrading some of her Colonies to equal status with herself.
. The First Resolution.(created by Roger Smith).Presented to the Imperial Conference of 1926 The following Resolution was presented without
alteration by the Rt. Hon. Wm. Lyon Mackenzie
King and seconded by Premier Hertzog of South Africa.
.Resolutions from Assembly No. 2, Native Sons of Canada (Adopted September, 1926 — Preamble Omitted) . 1. SOVEREIGN STATUS: Recognizing this question as being of outstanding and paramount importance, this Assembly urges upon the Government of Canada the necessity of elevating Canada constitutionally to the dignity and status of a nation.(1926 Canada still not a nation), with international recognition, enjoying sovereign rights and powers, under the Crown.(yep, they slipped it in there - control under the 'crown', not under the people of the nation as represented by majority rule of a percentage determined by the people), and thereby confer on Canada an equality of status with Great Britain, together with all the advantages incident thereto now exclusively enjoyed by Great Britain as the only sovereign nation in the British Commonwealth. |
No subject that may come before the conference
can possibly approach this question of status in importance. Our objective
should be clear and unambiguous, an absolutely.equal
and independent sovereignty under the Crown of Canada, internationally
communicated and internationally recognized.
. 2. IMMIGRATION: This Assembly is unalterably opposed to assisted Imperial immigration in any form, and in particular is opposed to a Policy designed to unload on Canada, immigrants from Great Britain as alleged settlers, who are mentally, morally and physically unfit, thereby tending to lower the high standard of Canadian Citizenship. We hereby urge on the Government of Canada the need for closer restriction rather than relaxing the tests and standards for admission to Canada. In this connection, this Assembly respectfully begs to draw the attention of the Prime Minister and his colleagues to the pernicious and incessant Imperial propaganda constantly issued both in Great Britain and in Canada, which is aimed at unloading deserters and other undesirables into Canada with the designed object of relieving the British taxpayer at the expense of the Canadian taxpayer. This Assembly condemns such anti Canadian propaganda as being distinctly inimical to the national welfare of Canada. We emphatically declare that the question of Immigration into Canada is, by terms of British North American Act exclusively Canada's own business, that it is not an Empire matter that it is not a partisan or political matter as the Bishop of London suggests, that it is entirely a matter at present of administration and that all Canadians, irrespective of party approve of the intent and purpose of the present Canadian Immigration Act in respect of its broad principles. We declare our resentment and indignation at the persistent anti Canadian campaign, emanating from Imperial quarters, to offset and overcome the present rapid growth of Canadian national feeling by schemes of assisted immigration of types that are unsuited to this country and foreign to its history and background... We believe that the time has come when the long brooding sense of national consciousness is about to be realized and that it is vital to the national interest that our national bloodstream should be conserved, and not diluted by the admission of elements that will weaken or delay our national unity or foster a divided loyalty. The present Canadian stock should be the basis in selection of all applicants for privilege of admission to Canada. . 3. IMPERIAL DEFENSE: This Assembly is emphatically opposed to involving Canada in any schemes of Imperial commitments or engagements which tend to devolve upon Canada any part of cost of any alleged obligation of so-called Imperial Defense. . 4. CANADIAN RESOURCES: This Assembly is further opposed to any Imperial Scheme proposal or policy, which would seek to appropriate Canada's great natural resources as an Imperial asset, but on the contrary, holds to the view that such resources are exclusively the property of the Canadian people and should be at all times developed on broad lines of national policy for the primary benefit of Canada, and the Canadians. . 5. GOVERNOR GENERAL: This Assembly reaffirms its attitude previously expressed that the method of appointment of the Governor General is ripe for a radical change more in consonance with national dignity; the appointment should be the completely unfettered act of the Government of Canada.(once one is properly established.–.this option available since 1931). The appointee should be a distinguished citizen of this country. In respect of personnel, and in respect of initiative of nomination, the present procedure is an expression of colonialism which should no longer be permitted to survive. Further, the channels of communication between the Government of Canada and any other country should be direct, via our Department of External Affairs. We particularly object to the suggestion that in respect to the future appointments of Governor Generals, the unanimous approval of other Dominions must be obtained before there shall be any change in policy. . 6. PRIVY COUNCIL APPEALS: The decision of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in Rex vs. Nadan is fraught with humiliation for the people and the Parliament of Canada..We cannot think it possible that Canada will rest satisfied with a decision that prevents her from dealing exclusively with her own laws, particularly in a matter of criminal procedure. Canadian statesmen who make speeches about Canada's "proud position" as a "self governing independent nation" cannot be aware of the terms and implications of this judgment. This Assembly expresses surprise and regret that during the past Session of Parliament this matter was not even referred to by any Member of the two great parties in the House. That decision stands as an effective barrier to the full development of Canadian National consciousness. We favor the entire abolition of appeals to the Privy Council. . 7. LOCARNO, WAR, NEUTRALITY ... : This Assembly is convinced that so long as the present anomalies of Canada's status continue, the advantages to Canada from participation in Imperial Conferences are largely negative. The Conference is built on a Constitutional fiction, that all the representatives meet as equals. The test — "What is Canada internationally?" is the true test. And until Canada, either by her own act or by Imperial concession, attains SOVEREIGNTY as an independent nation under the Crown, with international recognition, her position in respect of Britain's Wars, neutrality and her international relationships in general, will remain clouded and obscure. That position will be and remain, both constitutionally and internationally, that of a colonial status. Mere rhetoric cannot overcome this inescapable fact. /s/ R. R. SMITH . Public feelings in the Maritimes were enraged at these sinkings, not to mention what the Americans felt that led them to this... There went the chances of continued prosperity for the Maritimes, prosperity made possible through American ships carrying Maritime goods to the West Indies and beyond. So, a conference was held. It convened on September 1, 1864, in Charlottetown, the capital of Prince Edward Island. At the conference, each of the Maritime Provinces was represented by five delegates, three from the government in power and two from the party in opposition. The conference was also attended by an unofficial deputation of eight members of the coalition government of the province of Canada, who presented the case for a larger federal union to include Canada and possibly the whole of British North America from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific Ocean. After the unofficial delegation of the province of Canada reached Charlottetown on the first day of the conference, the maritime delegates decided to postpone the consideration of their smaller union project until the feasibility of the larger union had been discussed. J. H. Gray, premier of Prince Edward Island, was elected chairman of the conference. After a week of discussing the plan introduced by the Canadian provincial delegation, the conference adjourned to Halifax, Nova Scotia and from there to Saint John, New Brunswick. Before the Canadian provincial delegates left the conference on September 16, it was agreed to hold a meeting in Québec in October for the formal consideration of the larger union proposals. The federal union proposal was presented at several public meetings held during the conference. Microsoft® Encarta® Encyclopedia 99. © 1993-1998 Microsoft Corporation. All rights reserved. . They approved these.Seventy two Resolutions, which were actually.a draft constitution laying out their desire for a federal union. Lord Monck, first Governor General of Canada, who was at this time, Governor of Québec, sat in on all the discussions of the Québec Conference in October, 1864 where discussions revolved around a federal union.(what's a federal union?).in control of Canadians, and out of Britain's control..Alas, Britain retained control as she could easily veto any suggestions from her subjects in these colonies. At this conference they opened with."The best interests and present and future prosperity of British North America will be promoted by a federal union". This was debated before in the legislature of the Provinces. The last debate before it was endorsed by the United Legislature of Upper and Lower Canada occurred March 13, 1865. Three months later (June, 1865) the.Colonial Laws Validity Act.(original is in the Parliamentary Library, Ottawa,.and here...).was enacted by the British Parliament. Britain was not about to cede control over its Colonies in Canada.(she had just had a wrangling with the US with Canada in the middle). The Colonial Laws Validity Act was done to show the Colonial Legislatures that they were not competent to enact any law or regulation which was repugnant to the law of England, and as far as the Quebec Resolutions were concerned, they would not be approved by the British Parliament.... Section 6 of the Colonial Laws Validity Act reads: "...and any proclamation purporting to be published by the authority of the Governor, in any newspaper in the Colony to which such law may or bill may relate, and signifying Her Majesty's disallowance of any such colonial law, or Her Majesty's assent to any such reserved bill as aforesaid shall be prima facie evidence of such disallowance or assent." In other words, the Governor General had the power, and the command to say No! Point is, Canadians have always wanted their own constitution, were not allowed it under British control until the Statute of Westminster, December 11, 1931. And, today we've been bamboozled into a farcical.repatriated and invalid one.(*).in total disregard of the impact to all Provinces of the importance of the meaning of the document the Statute of Westminster. . Interpretation Act, 1889 This was an Act of England in which the British Parliament admitted some 22 years later that the BNA Act of 1867 was an intentional misrepresentation of fact in that:.Section 18, paragraph 3."the expression Colony shall mean.any.of Her Majesty's Dominions (exclusive of the British Islands and of British India) and where parts of such Dominions are under both a Central Legislature and local legislatures, all parts under the Central Legislature shall be for the purposes of this definition be deemed to be 'One Colony'.".(it's saying that Canada.{the Dominion of Canada with her Governor General controlling all over Britain's dominion over Canada from Ottawa}.was not a confederation in 1867, as this Act shows Canada was not at all an independent 'federation', but rather still a colony of Great Britain. Britain was not about to give up Canada at this time) Canadians were led to believe that they had gained status of being a country.in its own right (what the Canadian delegates went to London England for), when, in reality, they were only being 'played along with', propagandized into believing this, as seemed necessary for England to do to Canada at the time) . As.Canada in 1889 was the.only.Dominion with a central legislature and local legislatures, it shows that Canada.(the Dominion of Canada, the Provinces together.making up the Dominion).was indeed a colony, a colony of Great Britain, and had formed no confederation of her own, nor indeed could as she was still under British control..(Dominion of Canada flag) Canada is today, not even in her infancy. She's still 'in the womb' and waiting to be born by the Provinces. There is no intermediate status between a colony and a sovereign state. If the Provinces are no longer colonies, they are independent states. The Provinces are sovereign states and will remain so until the people of this country, through their Provincial governments create a country. . Prime minister functions under British Governor General: Britain yielded that its colonists were entitled to representative institutions. Under Britain's control through her Governor General over the Dominion of Canada, a Canadian Parliament was allowed to be formed consisting of two houses (as the provinces wanted some say), the Senate and the House of Commons (akin to the British Houses of Commons and Lords). The Commons contains about three times as many members as the Senate. The prime minister (the first and third of which was Sir John A. Macdonald) and cabinet are chosen from Commons by the majority party; the prime minister sets the policy of the government in aiding and abetting the Governor General, and determines what legislation should be put forward for approval to the Governor General (British approval through their appointed man over Canada). Through the cabinet, the prime minister controlled all the functions of the federal government as allowed by Britain's Governor General (budget allocations, etc). The prime minister would choose the cabinet ministers and recommend appointees to the civil service and Senate, etc. |
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